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The Pampas
The Pampas (from Quechua, meaning "plain") are the fertile South American lowlands that include the Argentine provinces of Buenos Aires, La Pampa, Santa Fe, and Córdoba, most of Uruguay, and the southernmost end of Brazil, covering more than 750,000 km² (290,000 square miles). These vast plains are only interrupted by the low Ventania mountain range near Bahía Blanca (Argentina), with 1,300 m height. The climate is mild, with precipitation of 600 to 1,200 mm, more or less evenly distributed through the year, making the soils appropriate for agriculture.
Frequent fires ensure that only small plants such as grasses flourish and trees are exceptional. The dominant vegetation types are grassy prairie and grass steppe in which numerous species of the grass genus Stipa are particularly conspicuous. 'Pampas Grass' (Cortaderia selloana) is an iconic species of the Pampas. Vegetation typically includes perennial grasses and herbs. Different strata of grasses occur due to gradients of water availability. The Pampas are home to a wide variety of native species, although there is an almost absolute lack of native trees, except along main watercourses.
Its climate, as in the mid-latitudes, is naturally changeable. Winters are cool to mild and summers are very warm and humid. Rainfall is fairly uniform throughout the year but is a little heavier during the summer. Annual rainfall is heaviest near the coast and decreases gradually further inland. Rain during the late spring and summer usually arrives in the form of brief heavy showers and thunderstorms. More general rainfall occurs the remainder of the year as cold fronts and storm systems move through. Although cold spells during the winter often send nighttime temperatures below freezing, snow is quite rare. In most winters, a few light snowfalls occur over inland areas. Snow is extremely rare near the coast.
Central Argentina boasts a successful agricultural business, with crops grown on the Pampas south and west of the Buenos Aires. In particular, the harvested area of soybeans is on pace to set a record, according to the Food and Agricultural Service. Much of the area is also used for grazing cattle. These farming regions (i.e., modified of disturbed Pampas) are particularly susceptible to flooding during heavy rainfall. In October 2001 an estimated 3.5 million hectares (35,000 km²) of the pampas were flooded, with thousands of hectares of fields and grazing lands being submerged. Buenos Aires reported nearly 250 mm (9.84 in) of rainfall during that month, which is more than double the normal amount.
The Strait of Magellan
The Strait of Magellan is a navigable route immediately south of mainland South America. The strait is arguably the most important natural passage between the Pacific and the Atlantic oceans, but it is considered a difficult route to navigate because of the inhospitable climate and the narrowness of the passage.
Until the Panama Canal was finished in 1914, the Strait of Magellan was often the only safe way to move between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Protected by the Tierra del Fuego to the south and the bulk of South America to the north, ships crossed with relative ease, removed from the dangers of Drake Passage. The Drake Passage is the relatively narrow stretch of ocean separating Cape Horn (the southern tip of South America) from Antarctica, the waters of which are notoriously turbulent, unpredictable, and frequented by icebergs and sea ice. Until the Panama Canal was finished, the strait was the second-most used route for ships crossing between the Atlantic and the Pacific oceans (the Drake Passage was the most used route).
Ferdinand Magellan became the first European to navigate the strait in 1520, during his global circumnavigation voyage. Because Magellan's ships entered it on November 1, it was originally named Estreito de Todos los Santos (Strait of All Saints).
On May 23, 1843 Chile took possession of the channel, under whose sovereignty it remains as of 2005. On the coast of the Strait lies the city of Punta Arenas and the village of Porvenir.
Early explorers, including Ferdinand Magellan, Francis Drake, Charles Darwin, among others, crossed this path. Prospectors during the 1849 California gold rush used this route as well.
Patagonia
Patagonia is that portion of South America which, to the east of the Andes, lies mainly south of the Rio Negro (41°S), and, to the west of the Andes, south of (42°S). The Chilean portion embraces the southern part of the region of Los Lagos, and the regions of Aysen and Magallanes (excluding the portion of Antarctica claimed by Chile). East of the Andes the Argentine portion of Patagonia is divided into four provinces:
A lake in Neuquén, Argentine portion of PatagoniaNeuquén, covering 36,324 sq. miles, including the triangle between the rivers Limay and Neuquen, and extending southward to the northern shore of Lake Nahuel-Huapi (41°S) and northward to the Rio Colorado;
Río Negro, covering 78,383 sq. miles, extending from the Atlantic to the Cordillera of the Andes, to the north of 42°S; Chubut, covering 86,751 sq. miles, embracing the region between 42° and 46°S; and Santa Cruz, which stretches from the last-named parallel as far south as the dividing line with Chile, and between Point Dungeness and the watershed of the Cordillera: an area of 94,186 sq. miles.
The general character of the Argentine portion of Patagonia is for the most part a region of vast steppe-like plains, rising in a succession of abrupt terraces about 100 meters (330 feet) at a time, and covered with an enormous bed of shingle almost bare of vegetation. In the hollows of the plains are ponds or lakes of brackish and fresh water. Towards the Andes the shingle gives place to porphyry, granite, and basalt lavas, animal life becomes more abundant and vegetation more luxuriant, acquiring the characteristics of the flora of the western coast, and consisting principally of southern beech and conifers.
Among the depressions by which the plateau is intersected transversely, the principal are the Gualichu, south of the Rio Negro, the Maquinchao and Valcheta (through which previously flowed the waters of lake Nahuel Huapi, which now feed the river Limay); the Senguerr, the Deseado. Besides these transverse depressions (some of them marking lines of ancient inter-oceanic communication), there are others which were occupied by more or less extensive lakes, such as the Yagagtoo, Musters, and Colhue Huapi, and others situated to the south of Puerto Deseado, in the centre of the country. In the central region volcanic eruptions, which have taken part in the formation of the plateau from the Tertiary period down to the present era, cover a large part with basaltic lava-caps; and in the western third more recent glacial deposits appear above the lava. There, in contact with folded Cretaceous rocks, uplifted by the Tertiary granite, erosion, caused principally by the sudden melting and retreat of the ice, aided by tectonic changes, has scooped out a deep longitudinal depression, which generally separates the plateau from the first lofty hills, the ridges generally called the pre-Cordillera, while on the west of these there is a similar longitudinal depression all along the foot of the snowy Andean Cordillera. This latter depression contains the richest and most fertile land of Patagonia.
The geological constitution is in accordance with the orographic physiognomy. The Tertiary plateau, flat on the east, gradually rising on the west, shows Upper Cretaceous caps at its base. First come Lower Cretaceous hills, raised by granite and dioritic rocks, undoubtedly of Tertiary origin, as in some cases these rocks have broken across the Tertiary beds, so rich in mammal remains; then follow, on the west, metamorphic schists of uncertain age; then quartzites appear, resting directly on the primitive granite and gneiss which form the axis of the Cordillela. Porphyritic rocks occur between the schists and the quartzites. The Tertiary deposits are greatly varied in character, and there is considerable difference of opinion concerning the succession and correlation of the beds.
Glaciers occupy the valleys of the main chain and some of the lateral ridges of the Cordillera, and descend to lakes San Martín, Viedma, Argentino and others in the same locality, strewing them with icebergs. In Patagonia an immense ice-sheet extended to the east of the present Atlantic coast during the first ice age, at the close of the Tertiary epoch, while, during the second glacial age in modern times, the terminal moraines have generally stopped, 30 miles (50 km) in the north and 50 miles (80 km) in the south, east of the summit of the Cordillera. These ice-sheets, which scooped out the greater part of the longitudinal depressions, and appear to have rapidly retreated to the point where the glaciers now exist, did not, however, in their retirement fill up with their detritus the fjords of the Cordillera, for these are now occupied by deep lakes on the east, and on the west by the Pacific channels, some of which are as much as 250 fathoms (460 m) in depth, and soundings taken in them show that the fjords are as usual deeper in the vicinity of the mountains than to the west of the islands. Several of the high peaks are still active volcanoes.
In so far as its main characteristics are concerned, Patagonia seems to be a portion of the Antarctic continent, the permanence of which dates from very recent times, as is evidenced by the apparent recent emergence of the islets around Chiloé, and by the general character of the pampean formation. Some of the promontories of Chiloé are still called huapi, the Araucanian equivalent for "islands"; and this may perhaps be accepted as perpetuating the recollection of the time when they actually were islands. They are composed of caps of shingle, with great, more or less rounded boulders, sand and volcanic ashes, precisely of the same form as occurs on the Patagonian plateau. From an examination of the pampean formation it is evident that in recent times the land of the province of Buenos Aires extended farther to the east, and that the advance of the sea, and the salt-water deposits left by it when it retired, forming some of the lowlands which occur on the littoral and in the interior of the pampas, are much more recent phenomena; and certain caps of shingle, derived from rocks of a different class from those of the neighbouring hills, which are observed on the Atlantic coasts of the same province, and increase in quantity and size towards the south, seem to indicate that the caps of shingle which now cover such a great part of the Patagonian territory recently extended farther to the east, over land which has now disappeared beneath the sea, while other marine deposits along the same coasts became converted into bays during the subsequent advance of the sea. There are besides, in the neighbourhood of the present coast, deposits of volcanic ashes, and the ocean throws up on its shores blocks of basaltic lava, which in all probability proceed from eruptions of submerged volcanoes now extinct. One fact, however, which apparently demonstrates with greater certainty the existence in recent times of land that is now lost, is the presence of remains of pampean mammals in Pleistocene deposits in the bay of San Julian and in Santa Cruz. The animals undoubtedly reached these localities from the east; it is not at all probable that they advanced from the north southwards across the plateau intersected at that cime by great rivers and covered by the ice-sheet. With the exception of the discoveries at the inlet of Ultima Esperanza, which is in close communication with the Atlantic valley of Río Gallegos, none of these remains have been discovered in the Andean regions.
On the upper plains of Neuquen territory thousands of cattle can be fed, and the forests around Lakes Tiaful and Nahuel-Huapi yield large quantities of valuable timber. The Neuquen river is not navigable, but as its waters are capable of being easily dammed in places, large stretches of land in its valley are utilized; but the lands on each side of its lower part are of little commercial value. As the Cordillera is approached the soil becomes more fertile, and suitable districts for the rearing of cattle and other agricultural purposes exist between the regions that surround the Tromen volcano and the first ridges of the Andes. Chos Malal, the capital of the territory, is situated in one of these valleys. More to the west is the mining region, in great part unexplored, but containing deposits of gold, silver, copper and lignite. In the centre of the territory, also in the neighbourhood of the mining districts, are the valleys of Norquin and Las Lajas, the general camp of the Argentine army in Patagonia, with excellent timber in the forest on the Andean slope. The wide valleys occur near Rio Malleo, Lake Huechulafquen, the river Chimehuin, and Vega de Chapelco, near Lake Lacar, where are situated villages of some importance, such as Junin de los Andes and San Martin de los Andes. Close to these are the famous apple orchards supposed to have been planted by the Jesuits in the 17th and 18th centuries. The river Collon Cura, the principal affluent of the river Limay, drains these regions. Lake Lacar is now a contributary of the Pacific, its outlet having been changed to the west, owing to a passage having been opened through the Cordillera.
The Rio Negro runs along a wide transverse depression. the middle part of which is followed by the railway which runs to the settlement of Neuquen at the confluence of the rivers Limay and Neuquen. In this depression are several settlements, among them Viedma, the capital of the Rio Negro territory, Pringles, General Conesa, Choele Choel and General Roca. To the south of the Rio Negro the Patagonian plateau is intersected by the depressions of the Gualicho and Maquinchao, which in former times directed the waters of two great rivers (now disappeared) to the gulf of San Matias, the first-named depression draining the network of the Collon Cura and the second the Nahuel Huapi lake system. In 42°S there is a third broad transverse depression, apparently the bed of another great river, now perished, which carried to the Atlantic the waters of a portion of the eastern slope of the Andes, between 41° and 42°30;S.
Chubut territory presents the same characteristics as the Rio Negro territory. Rawson, the capital, is situated at the mouth of the river Chubut on the Atlantic (42°30'S). The town was founded in 1865 by a group of colonists from Wales, assisted by the Argentine government; and its prosperity has led to the foundation of other important centres in the valley, such as Trelew and Gaiman, which is connected by railway with Puerto Madryn on Bahia Nueva. Here is the seat of the governor of the territory, and by 1895 the inhabitants of this part of the territory, composed principally of Argentines, Welsh and Italians, numbered 2585. The valley has been irrigated and cultivated, and produces the best wheat of the Argentine Republic. Between the Chubut and the Senguerr there are vast stretches of fertile land, spreading over the Andean region to the foot of the Cordillera and the lateral ridges of the Pre-Cordillera, and filling the basins of some desiccated lakes, which have been occupied since 1885, and farms and colonies founded upon them. The chief of these colonies is that of 16 de Octubre, formed in 1886, mainly by the inhabitants of Chubut colony, in the longitudinal valley which extends to the eastern foot of the Cordillera. Other rivers in this territory flow into the Pacific through breaches in the Cordillera, e.g. the upper affluents of the Futaleufu, Palena and Rio Cisnes. The principal affluent of the Palena, the Carrenleufu, carries off the waters of Lake General Paz, situated on the eastern slope of the Cordillera. Rio Pico, an affluent of the same river, receives nearly the whole of the waters of the extensive undulating plain which lies between the Rio Tecka and the Rio Senguerr to the east of the Cordillera, while the remainder are carried away by the affluents of Rio Jehua: the Cherque, Omkel, and Appeleg. This region contains auriferous drifts, but these, like the auriferous deposits, veins of galena and lignite in the mountains farther west which flank the Cordillera, have not been properly investigated. At Lake Fontana there are auriferous drifts and lignite deposits which abound in fossil plants of the Cretaceous age. The streams which form the rivers Mayo and Chalia join the tributaries of the Rio Aisen, which flows into the Pacific, watering in its course extensive and valuable districts where colonization has been initiated by Argentine settlers. Colonies have also been formed in the basin of Lakes Musters and Colhué Huapi; and on the coasts near the Atlantic, along Bahia Camarones and the Gulf of San Jorge, there are extensive farms.
The territory of Santa Cruz is arid along the Atlantic coast and in the central portion between 46° and 50°S. With the exception of certain valleys at Puerto Deseado (Port Desired) and in the transverse basins which occur as far south as Puerto San Julian, and which contain several cattle farms, few spots are capable of cultivation, the pastures being poor, water insufficient and salt lagunas fairly numerous. Puerto Deseado is the outlet for the produce of the Andean region situated between Lakes Buenos Aires and Pueyrredon.
Into this inlet there flowed at the time of the conquest a voluminous river, which subsequently disappeared, but returned again to its ancient bed, owing to the river Fenix, one of its affluents, which had deviated to the west, regaining its original direction. Lake Buenos Aires, the largest lake in Patagonia, measuring 120 kilometers (75 miles) in length, poured its waters into the Atlantic even in post-Glacial times by means of the river Deseado; and it is so depicted on the maps of the 17th and 18th centuries; and so too did Lake Pueyrredon, which, through the action of erosion, now empties itself westward, through the river Las Heras, into the Calen inlet of the Pacific, in 48°S.
San Julian on Puerto San Julian, where Ferdinand Magellan wintered, was the centre of a cattle farming colony, and colonists have pushed into the interior up the valley of a now extinct river which in comparatively recent times carried down to Puerto San Julian the waters of Lakes Volcan, Beigrano, Azara, Nansen, and some other lakes which now drain into the river Mayer and so into Lake San Martin. The valleys of the Rio Chico throughout their whole extent, as well as those of Lake Shehuen, afford excellent grazing, and around Lakes Belgrano, Burmeister and Rio Mayer and San Martin there are spots suitable for cultivation. In the Cretaceous hills which flank the Cordillera important lignite beds and deposits of mineral oils have been discovered. The Rio Santa Cruz, originally explored by Captain Fitzroy and Charles Darwin, is an important artery of communication between the regions bordering upon the Cordillera and the Atlantic. In Santa Cruz bay an important trade centre has been established. But the present cattle region par excellence of Patagonia is the department of Rio Gallegos, the farms extending from the Atlantic to the Cordillera. Puerto Gallegos itself is an important business center, which bids fair to rival the Chilean colony of Punta Arenas, on the Straits of Magellan. Owing to the produce of the cattle farms established there, the working of coal in the neighborhood, and the export of timber from the surrounding forests, the town of Punta Arenas is in a flourishing condition. Its population in 1911 numbered about 4000. But the colonization of the western (Chilean) coast has generally failed, principally owing to the adverse climatic conditions of the Cordillera in those latitudes.
Climate
The climate is less severe than was supposed by early travelers. The east slope is warmer than the west, especially in summer, as a branch of the southern equatorial current reaches its shores, whereas a cold current washes the west coast. At Puerto Montt, on the inlet behind Chiloé Island. the mean annual temperature is 11 °C (52°F) and the average extremes 25.5 °C (78°F) and -1.5 °C (29.5°F), whereas at Bahia Blanca near the Atlantic coast and just outside the northern confines of Patagooia the annual temperature is 15C (59°F) and the range much greater. At Punta Arenas, in the extreme south, the mean temperature is 6 °C (43°F) and the average extremes 24.5 °C (76°F) and -2 °C (28°F). The prevailing winds are westerly, and the westward slope has a much heavier precipitation than the eastern; thus at Puerto Montt the mean annual precipitation is 2.46 m (97 inches), but at Bahia Blanca it is 480 mm (19 inches). At Punta Arenas it is 560 mm (22 inches).
Fauna
The guanaco, the puma, the zorro or Brazilian fox (Canis azarae), the zorrino or Mephitis patagonica (a kind of skunk), and the tuco-tuco or Ctenomys niagellanicus (a rodent) are the most characteristic mammals of the Patagonian plains. The guanaco roam in herds over the country and form with the rhea (Rhea americana, and more rarely Rhea darwinii) the chief means of subsistence for the natives, who hunt them on horseback with dogs and bolas. Bird-life is often wonderfully abundant. The carancho or carrion-hawk (Polyborus tharus) is one of the characteristic objects of a Patagonian landscape; the presence of long-tailed green parakeets (Conurus cyanolysius) as far south as the shores of the strait attracted the attention of the earlier navigators; and hummingbirds may be seen flying amidst the falling snow. Of the many kinds of water-fowl it is enough to mention the flamingo, the upland goose, and in the strait the remarkable steamer duck.
History
Patagonia was discovered in 1520 by Ferdinand Magellan, who on his passage along the coast named many of the more striking features -- Gulf of San Matias, Cape of 11,000 Virgins (now simply Cape Virgenes). Patagonia means 'land of the big feet'. Legends say that Magellan and his crew saw a tribe of nine-foot tall giants with big feet. He named the tribe the Patagons or big feet. Later explorers confirmed the existence of and made drawings of the Patagons. Cortés also claimed to see a tribe of giants of the same height in the Andes.
By 1611 the Patagonian god Setebos (Settaboth in Pigafetta) was familiar to the hearers of the Tempest. Rodrigo de Isla, despatched inland in 1535 from San Matias by Alcazava Sotomayor (on whom western Patagonia had been conferred by the king of Spain), was the first to traverse the great Patagonian plain, and, but for the mutiny of his men, he would have struck across the Andes to the Chilean side. Pedro de Mendoza, on whom the country was next bestowed, lived to found Buenos Aires, but not to carry his explorations to the south. Alonzo de Camargo (1539), Juan Ladrilleros (1557) and Hurtado de Mendoza (1558) helped to make known the western coasts, and Sir Francis Drake's voyage in 1577 down the eastern coast through the strait and northward by Chile and Peru was memorable for several reasons; but the geography of Patagonia owes more to Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa (1579-1580), who, devoting himself especially to the south-west region, made careful and accurate surveys. The Spanish government neglected the settlement that he founded at Nombre de Dios and San Felipe, and the latter was in such a miserable state when Thomas Cavendish visited it in 1587 that he called it Port Famine. The district in the neighborhood of Puerto Deseado, explored by John Davis about the same period, was taken possession of by Sir John Narborough in the name of King Charles II of England in 1669. In the second half of the 18th century knowledge of Patagonia was augmented by Byron (1764-1765), Samuel Wallis (1766) and L.A. de Bougainville (1766); Thomas Falkner, a Jesuit who resided near forty years in those parts, published his Description of Patagonia (Hereford, 1774); Francesco Viedma founded El Carmen, and Antonio advanced inland to the Andes (1782); and Basilio Villarino ascended the Rio Negro (1782). The Adventure and Beagle expeditions under Philip King (1826-1830) and Robert Fitzroy (1832-1836) were of first-rate importance, the latter especially from the participation of Charles Darwin; but of the interior of the country nothing was observed except 200 miles (320 km) of the course of the Santa Cruz. Captain George Chaworth Musters in 1869 wandered in company with a band of Tehuelches through the whole length of the country from the strait to the Manzaneros in the north-west, and collected a great deal of information about the people and their mode of life.
The history of Latin America
The history of Latin America is a rich one. This country has long been known for their festive dancing, colorful clothes, delicious food, and warm-hearted people. However, one interesting question has surfaced time and time again - "Did Latin Americans actually speak Latin?"
Interestingly, Latin was one of the many different Italic languages spoken in central Italy during the 5th century. The area known as Latium or Lazio and then again in Rome were specifically fluent in Latin. Historians tell us that there were early inscriptions discovered in Latin that date back to the 6th century. These inscriptions were written in a various forms of the Greek alphabet and then brought over to Italy by the colonist from Greece.
Then, Rome expanded its influence and power over some parts of Italy and then into various areas of Europe. Over time, the Roman Empire became massive, stretching across a large region of North Africa, Europe, and even the Middle East. Throughout the Roman Empire, Latin was a common language used on an every day basis. In fact, the Roman people were very literate, which is why we see many great Latin authors from Rome.
In addition, the Greeks remained the lingua franca in eastern Mediterranean and the Romans, who were highly educated, became very fluent in both languages. The earliest surviving examples of Latin literature were in fact the translations from Greek plays, along with a farming manual that is estimated back to around 150 BC.
From there, we know that Latin was commonly used in early Latin literature, classical Latin, and various means from colloquial Latin, which was called Vulgar Latin. However, there were some writers that included Petronius and Cicero that often spoke Vulgar Latin during work. What we have seen is the Latin language changing over the centuries with it moving away from the standards of literacy into modern Romance/Italic languages, which would include French, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, Catalan, Spanish, and so on.
When the Roman Empire collapsed in AD 476, the Latin language continued being used for literacy throughout central and Western Europe. Then, Medieval Latin literature became popular in many different styles that included scholarly work of Anglo-Saxon and Irish writers to people giving sermons. Then in the 15th century, Latin started to lose its position as the standard language spoken and written throughout most of Europe, being replaced by versions of vernacular languages, which were actually descendants of Latin or with its influence.
The Latin language of modern society was used significantly in the Roman Catholic Church. However, by the 20th century, we see a decline in the use of Latin, although there are some areas that still use it extensively to include Vatican City. Another area where we commonly see Latin used is by biologists and various scientists. Interesting, for the Romans to write Latin there were 23 letters used, similar to the English alphabet but minus the letters J, U, and W.
Cuzco Peru
When it comes to rich legacies left behind by pre-Hispanic cultures, Peru lands at the top of the list. At the hub of Peru is a city called Cuzco, which is the ancient capital of the Inca Empire. Cuzco, Peru is known as the archaeological capital of all South America, which is a complex culture that comes from the Inca and Spanish. In Cuzco, you can see this amazing blend by the Spanish colonial architecture and the famous Inca ruins.
Starting in the 14th century, Cuzco was the capital of the Incan Empire. However, in 1533, Francisco Pizarro, a Spanish leader came and conquered Peru, following a very difficult voyage that took him and his entourage through Panama and then over the Andes mountains. Once the Spanish arrived, they found massive riches to include gold. This incredible find pushed Peru into a new era that would make history.
One of the most fascinating aspects of the Incan capital is the architecture. There, you will discover massive cut-stone blocks that fit perfectly but without modern day mortar. One of the buildings is the temple of the sun called Coricancha, along with a fortress known as Sacsahuaman, both built with boulders weighing more than 190 tons. Now, consider that during this era, the people had no backhoes, no cranes, and no modern equipment to lift such enormous weight; we can only imagine the amazing challenge to complete the structures, and then the celebration once completed.
Keep in mind that the city of Cuzco was established in the form of a puma, using the fortress as the head and the Tullumayo and Huatanay Rivers as the tail. In addition, ancient Cuzco was located in the exact place as the modern city square, although twice as large. Then all around the palaces of the past kings was gravel, which was the site of important ceremonies. There are four roads going to the four corners, which were eventually paved. With so much attention to detail and the unbelievable engineering that went into building this city, it was breathtakingly beautiful.
You will discover that the city of Cuzco is also spelled in a number of ways to include Cusco, Qozqo, and Qosqo. However, no matter the name or the spelling, this ancient, Incan Empire capital today stands as a blend of modern buildings and amenities with colonial additions. Interestingly, the spelling "Qosqo" translates to "bellybutton" or "navel" in Quechua, which is a beautiful valley that supported civilization prior to the Incas. As visitors came to the city, they would hear chants of "Ama Sua, Ama Quella, Amam Lulla, which means, "Don't lie, don't steal, and don't be lazy".
When visiting Cuzco, Peru, you will be amazed and impressed at the artistry and techniques used to create this empire. Most of the structures have outlived earthquakes, living on for future generations to enjoy. The plaza was the core of the Suvos, or Four Regions of the Inca Empire, which stretches from Quito, Ecuador all the way to northern Chile. There in the plaza stood ceremonial and official buildings along with residences of the rulers. From this vantage point, fast runners could take messages from the center of the city out in all directions to form a network of communication.
All around Cuzco are varied populations to include artisan, agricultural, and industrial. Sadly, the Spanish destroyed a good number of the structures and what couldn't be demolished was used to build churches and other buildings, many that still exist today. Getting to Cuzco, Peru is actually easy. Once there, you will find the climate to be very comfortable but keep in mind the rainy season is from November to March.
In addition to the ruins, the streets of the city are quaint, dotted with colonial red roofs, blue doors, and whitewashed walls. The people are hard working and warm, and very interested in outside visitors. In the city, there are great places to visit such as the San Blas church, the Cathedral, and the Art School. Other attractions worth seeing while in Cuzco, Peru include Qorikancha, the Sun Temple, which is best viewed at night when it is fully illuminated and the La Compania Church, a true masterpiece.
You might also plan a trip to Q'engo, a temple dedicated to Mother Earth, Puca Pukara, a fortress watchtower that has an amazing view, Lago, Lanlakuyoq, and Kusilluchayoq, believe to be sites used for ceremonies or observations, and the incredible Machu Picchu, one of the most magical places on earth. You can also visit the Sunday market called Chinceros located in the center of town, the Urubamba River Valley, which winds from Pisac to Ollantaytamob, the salt flats called Maras, or you might simply enjoy hiking or rafting down the Vilcamayu River.
HISTORY OF THE INCAS
Much like the Mayan civilization, the Inca Indians were way before their time, considered an advanced civilization with multiple accomplishments. Migrating from the Andes in 1200 AD, the Incas began taking control over many of the other tribes in the area. As a new tribe was conquered, the Incas were able to learn more and more while forcing their own belief and religion onto the people. For the next 100 years, this tribe had grown so massive that the people covered areas from the northern parts of Ecuador all the way to Chili, making them a powerful civilization.
The Inca language is called Quechua and the empire Tawantinsuyu, translating to "land of four quarter." This empire and all its land were divided, meeting at the capital called Cuzco, Peru. Interestingly, if you were to travel to the central highlands of the Andes today, you would still be able to enjoy and marvel at many of the empire ruins.
By the year 1532, the Inca Indians had accumulated vast land that stretched from the Pacific coast, heading across the Andes to the Atlantic coast, and then from the central portion of Chili all the way to Ecuador. Because of their incredibly organized government that was based in the capital city, the Incas were able to achieve and conquer. The capital city was the home to the emperor, regarded simply as "The Inca". This emperor ruled over every aspect of the Inca civilization, being the leader to noblemen, who were responsible for the success of this civilization with their unmatched skills.
The Inca Indians were also very talented farmers, being the first people to grow potatoes. In addition to this crop, the Incas also grew sweet potatoes, Indian corn, cassava, quinou, peanuts, beans, squash, peppers, cotton, coca, tobacco, and much more. For transportation, Alpacas and Llamas were used. In fact, these animals carried hand crafts made by the noblemen, and building supplies.
The religious belief was that all deities were created to last forever, be all-powerful, and invisible, each created by one god called Wiraquocha or the sun god. Then, the King Incan was known as the Sapan Intiq Churin, which meant "Only Son of the Sun." While there were many important temples in the Inca civilization, the one deemed the most important for the male god is called Qorikancha. In addition, Wiraquocha's partner was called Killa or the moon god.
Historians show us that the Inca people also had the concept of sin. For this reason, they frequently offered the gods, food, llamas, an alcohol made from maize called Agha, and other things. Although no one is certain whether human sacrifice was a part of the Inca civilization, many people believe that indeed children were offered but only in special circumstances.
Although quite civilized, one man was able to conquer this massive tribe. This man's name was Pizarro who arrived prior to a massive civil war breaking out, which left the military of the Incas weak and thus easy to destroy. First, Pizarro took the Incan leader, Atahualpa, captive. Although Pizarro was bribed with mass quantities of gold, he took it only to have Atanhualpa killed any way. For the next 40 years, Pizarro would continue killing off the Inca people until the man named Tupac Amaru fell. Sadly, his body was dismembered by the order of Pizarro to stop any further resistance.
The Huichol Indians
The Huichol Indians of Western Central Mexico live in the Sierra Madre Occidental. They call themselves the "Wixarica" or "the people" in their native language, "Wixa" (The "x" is a rolled "r"). Their aboriginal religion consists of four principal deities, Corn, Eagles, Deer and Peyote, all descended from their Sun God, "Tau." These people have accepted small parts of Catholicism. There are many evangelical Christian churches forming in recent years after the Bible-translating work of Americans, Joe and Barbara Grimes, which began in the 1950s and followed up by later Evangelical Christian missionaries. Most Huichols, however, retain traditional beliefs and are resistant to change.
The Huichol are originally from the State of San Luis Potosi to the east of the parts of Durango, Jalisco, Zacatecas and Nayarit in which the Sierra of the Huichol is found. It is said that Wixa is a form of Chichimecha, common to the Indians of San Luis Potosi. They refer to several entities as family members, such as "Grandfather Fire," "Grandmother Growth" and "Great Grandfather Deer-tail," the last of which was the shaman who brought them to their part of the Sierra, probably to avoid either the Aztecs or the Conquistadors.
The Huichol are dirt farmers, gleaning a living from land that is desert for half the year and jungle the other half. In summer, when the rains come, they live on their ranchos (farms) and make cheese from the milk from their cattle, which they slaughter and eat usually only during fiestas (religious gatherings). For the most part, their diet consists of tortillas, made from the purple "Sacred corn," beans, rice and pasta, with the occasional chicken or pig, from which they make "Chicherones," chili peppers, all supplemented with goods provided by nature, like "weizz," a legume gathered from trees, or "ceruelas" wild plums and guiabas (guavas).
The craftsmanship of the Huichol includes embroidery, beadwork, sombreros (hats), archery equipment, prayer arrows, and weaving, as well as "cichuries," woven or embroidered bags of great beauty and religious significance which also serve great practical purpose. It is uncommon to ever see a Huichol without his cichurie.
In winter they gather around water holes ("ojos de agua") in villages of adobe and burnt adobe houses interspersed with "Caretons," houses on stilts made with wood, cornstalks, lashing, and thatched roofs. Each settlement will have a "riviki" (God's House) or "Caliwey" (a temple), where religious ceremonies and fiestas take place.
Often a large settlement will have only a few extended families. Inbreeding and the health problems associated with it have become a problem. A very large percentage of Huichols are born with congenital cleft lip or palate.
The Huichol seek autonomy in their land, but have two governments, one native to the Huichol and one answering to the Mexican Government through "Municipal Agents" in the larger settlements. Schools have been established in the Huichol Zone during the last 40 years, both federal and church, but also a private Junior High School, which has led to some friction between "Town" and "Gown" among members of the tribe. Friction also exists between converts to Christianity and followers of the old religion, which means the missions, are just barely tolerated by some of the people.
With the building of roads in the Huichol Zone in the last ten years, new influences are impacting the social fabric of the Huichol. Where mules, horses and burros used to be the main forms of transport, trucks are becoming more prominent, importing food, medicines and beer. New diseases that these people do not have a natural immunity to are also entering the society, so the length of time that traditional Huichol society can endure is an open question.
Aztecs Indians
Aztecs are Indians known for their control over south and central Mexico, ruling primarily between the 14th and 16th centuries. The name "Aztec" comes from their homeland of the north called Azatlan. Amongst the Indians, they call themselves Mexica. In addition, the language spoken by the Aztecs comes from the Nauatlan branch of the Uto-Aztecan family.
This particular tribe of Indians created the Toltec civilization, which was the result of hundreds of people coming to Lake Texcoco. The families that migrated to this area later were left to choose only swamp land, leaving the prime land to those who arrived first. For the late comers, the swamp provided just a single plot of land, completely enveloped by marshes. Although it seemed impossible, the Aztecs took their difficult situation, turning it into what we know as the Aztec Empire.
History shows us that the Aztec Empire was created partially on legend, which states that from the swampy area, an eagle could be seen eating a snake while perched high upon a cactus growing out of the swamps. This legend also states that the priests claimed when they came to this new land, this was the first thing they saw.
Through hard work and determination, the capital city called Tenochtitlan was completed in 1325. Amazingly, technology for this time included pipelines, bridges, and chinapas, which were small islands created by piling up mounds of mud. The Aztec people took full advantage of the chinapas, growing many foods such as beans, corn, chilies, squash, tobacco, and tomatoes.
Then, as a way of showing homage and respect to the gods, the capital city was covered in huge religious statues. These gods according to the Aztec beliefs is that they control every aspect of the Astec's daily life. For example, Uitzilpochtli is the sun god, Coyolxauhqui is the moon goddess, Tlaloc is the rain god, and the creator of the calendar and writing is Quetzalcoatl.
In addition to worshipping gods, the Aztec people also believe strongly in sacrifices. In fact, the high priest would choose a man or woman, laying him or her over a round stone. Then with a very sharp knife, the individual's heart would be cut out. With this type of sacrifice, the belief was that the good gods would stop the bad gods from carrying out evil deeds.
They also believed that the good gods drew their strength and power from the shed human blood and heart. Because they depended so heavily on the gods, they needed to continually keep them strong. Some rituals involved warriors being sacrificed, which was considered the ultimate honor. If a small sacrifice was required, then a prisoner would be used.
For marriage among the Aztec people, the groom would tie his shirt to the bride's dress as an expression of bonding. After being tied together, the couple would then burn incense for four consecutive days. When done, the wedding ceremony could commence.
A change came about in 1519 when a Spanish explorer by the name of Hernando Cortes brought with him more than 500 men into the Aztec territory in their search for gold. Because the Aztec Indians believed Cortes was a white god so the held him in high regard. However, once the Aztecs saw Cortes and his men melting down their gold statues to ship back to Spain, their opinion changed dramatically.
To stop this, the Aztec Indians attacked Cortes and all his men, driving them away from the Aztec territory. However, just one year later, the Spanish came back to attack the capital city, destroying the entire Aztec civilization. Although the Aztec Indians had long overcome challenges, this battle would be the end to these people, leaving us with only the legend and history of their struggles and accomplishments.
Spanish Conquest of El Salvador
Spanish Conquest and Colonization of El Salvador
When the Spanish first ventured into Central America from the colony of New Spain (Mexico) in the early sixteenth century, the area that would become El Salvador was populated primarily by Indians of the Pipil tribe. The Pipil were a subgroup of a nomadic people known as the Nahua, who had migrated into Central America about 3000 B.C. The Nahua eventually fell under the sway of the Maya Empire, which dominated the Mesoamerican region until its decline in the ninth century A.D. Pipil culture did not reach the advanced level achieved by the Maya; it has been compared, albeit on a smaller scale, to that of the Aztecs in Mexico. The Pipil nation, believed to have been founded in the eleventh century, was organized into two major federated states subdivided into smaller principalities. Although primarily an agricultural people, the Pipil built a number of large urban centers, some of which developed into present-day cities, such as Sonsonate and Ahuachapan.
The Pipil were a determined people who stoutly resisted Spanish efforts to extend their dominion southward. The first such effort by Spanish forces was led by Pedro de Alvarado, a lieutenant of Hernan Cortes in the conquest of Mexico. It met with stiff resistance from the indigenous population. Alvarado's expeditionary force entered El Salvador--or Cuscatlan, as it was known by the Pipil--in June 1524. The Spaniards were defeated in a major engagement shortly thereafter and were forced to withdraw to Guatemala. Two subsequent expeditions were required--in 1525 and 1528--to bring the Pipil under Spanish control. It is noteworthy that the name of the supposed leader of the Indian resistance, Atlacatl, has been perpetuated and honored among the Salvadorans to the relative exclusion of that of Alvarado. In this sense, the Salvadoran ambivalence toward the conquest bears a resemblance to the prevailing opinion in Mexico, where Cortes is more reviled than celebrated.
The Spanish had come to Central America seeking, at least in part, to add to the store of precious metals that constituted the most immediate spoils of the Mexican conquest. In the small colony that they dubbed El Salvador ("the savior"), they were severely disappointed in this regard. What little gold was available was accessible only through the laborious and timeconsuming method of panning, a process that consumed the effort of numerous impressed Indian laborers for a number of years. Denied the opportunity for quick riches, the conquistadors and later the Spanish settlers eventually came to realize that the sole exploitable resource of El Salvador was the land.
El Salvador thus was relegated to the status of a backwater of the Spanish Empire. In this state of neglect and isolation, the seeds of the country's politico-economic structure were planted. Large tracts of land were granted by the crown, initially under the terms of the encomienda (see Glossary) system, whereby the grantee was invested with the right to collect tribute from the native inhabitants of a designated area. The manifest abuse of the Indian population that resulted from the encomienda system contributed to its replacement in the mid-sixteenth century by the repartimiento system. Under repartimiento, representatives of the crown were empowered to regulate the work allotment and treatment of Indian laborers. Although more humane in theory, it was a system that was extremely vulnerable to abuse. The colony's distance from the mother country, the ease with which royal officials could be corrupted, and the prevailing disregard among the elite--made up of peninsulares, born in Spain, and criollos born in the New World of Spanish parentage--for the plight of the Indians militated against any substantive improvement in living conditions for the indigenous population.
Although landholders in El Salvador exercised nearly absolute power within their fiefdoms, they did not begin to realize the full economic potential of their holdings until they instituted the system of widespread cultivation of a single lucrative export commodity. The first of these commodities was cacao, which flourished during the latter half of the sixteenth century. Cultivation of indigo followed and produced tremendous profits during the eighteenth century. Largely as a result of the importance of the indigo trade, the colonial capital of San Salvador eventually came to be considered the second city of the Captaincy General of Guatemala, the Spanish administrative unit that encompassed most of Central America during the colonial period. The indigo boom effectively played itself out by the mid nineteenth century, however, after the discovery in Germany of a synthetic dye that could be produced much more economically.
The fortunes of the Spanish Empire waned throughout the eighteenth century and were dashed completely by the Napoleonic conquest of the Iberian Peninsula in 1808. As the Salvadorans moved toward independence, the legacies of their progenitors, both Indian and Spanish, were firmly fixed. The predominance of agriculture was a fact of life well before the Conquest; the Spanish contributed to this basic system by emphasizing production for export versus cultivation for subsistence. Individual loyalties under the pre-Conquest civilization were given primarily to one's family and to one's village; Spanish rule did little or nothing to change this attitude or to build any substantial sense of national identity among the common people. Religious influence on daily life was strong in both pre-Conquest and colonial societies. The simple animistic nature of the Indians' beliefs allowed for the ready assimilation of Roman Catholic dogma. As elsewhere in Latin America, the hierarchical structure of the church complemented the rigid stratification of colonial society. In many ways, independence would serve only to exacerbate the inequities inherent in that society.
Pre-Columbian Society and the Conquest of Belize
Pre-Columbian Society and the Conquest of Belize
Colonially oriented historians have asserted that the Maya had left the area long before the arrival of British settlers. But many Maya were still in Belize when the Europeans came in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Archaeological and ethno-historical research confirms that several groups of Mayan peoples lived in the area now known as Belize in the sixteenth century. The political geography of that period does not coincide with present-day boundaries, so several Mayan provinces lay across the frontiers of modern Belize, Mexico, and Guatemala. The Mayan province of Chetumal, for example, consisted of the northern part of present-day Belize and the southern coast of the Mexican state Quintana Roo. In the south, spreading west over the present-day frontier between Belize and Guatemala, were the Mopán Maya, and still farther south, the Chol-speaking Manche groups. In central Belize lay the province of Dzuluinicob, meaning "land of foreigners" or "foreign people." This province stretched from New River in the north to Sittee River in the south, and from close to the present-day Guatemalan border in the west to the sea. The apparent political center of this province was Tipu, located east of modern Benque Viejo del Carmen. Lamanai, several towns on New River and on Belize River, and Xibún on Sibun River, were included in this province.
Christopher Columbus traveled to the Gulf of Honduras during his fourth voyage in 1502. A few years later, two of his navigators, Martín Pinzón and Juan De Solís, sailed northward along the coast of Belize to Yucatán. In 1519 Hernán Cortés conquered Mexico, and Pedro Arias Dávila founded Panama City. Spain soon sent expeditions to Guatemala and Honduras, and the conquest of Yucatán began in 1527. When Cortés passed through the southwestern corner of present-day Belize in 1525, there were settlements of Cholspeaking Manche in that area. When the Spanish "pacified" the region in the seventeenth century, they forcibly displaced these settlements to the Guatemalan highlands. The Spanish launched their main incursions into the area from Yucatán, however, and encountered stiff resistance from the Mayan provinces of Chetumal and Dzuluinicob. The region became a place of refuge from the Spanish invasion, but the escaping Maya brought with them diseases that they had contracted from the Spanish. Subsequent epidemics of smallpox and yellow fever, along with endemic malaria, devastated the indigenous population and weakened its ability to resist conquest.
In the seventeenth century, Spanish missionaries from Yucatán traveled up New River and established churches in Mayan settlements with the intention of converting and controlling these people. One such settlement was Tipu, which was excavated in the 1980s. People occupied the site during pre-classic, classic, and post-classic times, and through the conquest period until 1707. Though conquered by the Spanish in 1544, Tipu was too far from the colonial centers of power to be effectively controlled for long. Thousands of Maya fled south from Yucatán in the second half of the sixteenth century, and the people of Tipu rebelled against Spanish authority. Although Tipu was too far south for the Spanish of Yucatán to control, it was apparently too important to ignore because of its proximity to the Itzá of the Lago Petén Itzá region of present-day Guatemala. In 1618 and 1619, two Franciscans, attempting to convert the people built a church in Tipu. In 1638 a period of resistance began in Tipu, and by 1642, the entire province of Dzuluinicob was in a state of rebellion. The Maya abandoned eight towns at this time, and some 300 families relocated in Tipu, the center of rebellion. In the 1640s, Tipu's population totaled more than 1,000.
Piracy along the coast increased during this period. In 1642, and again in 1648, pirates sacked Salamanca de Bacalar, the seat of Spanish government in southern Yucatán. The abandonment of Bacalar ended Spanish control over the Mayan provinces of Chetumal and Dzuluinicob.
Between 1638 and 1695, the Maya living in the area of Tipu enjoyed autonomy from Spanish rule. But in 1696, Spanish soldiers used Tipu as a base from which they pacified the area and supported missionary activities. In 1697 the Spanish conquered the Itzá, and in 1707, the Spanish forcibly resettled the inhabitants of Tipu to the area near Lago Petén Itzá. The political center of the Mayan province of Dzuluinicob ceased to exist at the time that British colonists were becoming increasingly interested in settling the area.
Mayan Civilization in Belize
Mayan Civilization in Belize
Perhaps as early as 35,000 years ago, nomadic people came from Asia to the Americas across the frozen Bering Strait. In the course of many millennia, their descendants settled in and adapted to different environments, creating many cultures in North America, Central America, and South America. The Mayan culture emerged in the lowland area of the Yucatán Peninsula and the highlands to the south, in what is now southeastern Mexico, Guatemala, western Honduras, and Belize. Many aspects of this culture persist in the area despite nearly half a millennium of European domination. All evidence, whether from archaeology, history, ethnography, or linguistic studies, points to a cultural continuity in this region. The descendants of the first settlers in the area have lived there for at least three millennia.
Prior to about 2500 B.C., some hunting and foraging bands settled in small farming villages. While hunting and foraging continued to play a part in their subsistence, these farmers domesticated crops such as corn, beans, squash, and chili peppers-- which are still the basic foods in Central America. A profusion of languages and subcultures developed within the Mayan core culture. Between about 2500 B.C. and A.D. 250, the basic institutions of Mayan civilization emerged. The peak of this civilization occurred during the classic period, which began about A.D. 250 and ended about 700 years later.
Farmers engaged in various types of agriculture, including labor-intensive irrigated and ridged-field systems and shifting slash-and-burn agriculture. Their products fed the civilization's craft specialists, merchants, warriors, and priest-astronomers, who coordinated agricultural and other seasonal activities with a cycle of rituals in ceremonial centers. These priests, who observed the movements of the sun, moon, planets, and stars, developed a complex mathematical and calendrical system to coordinate various cycles of time and to record specific events on carved stelae.
Belize boasts important sites of the earliest Mayan settlements, majestic ruins of the classic period, and examples of late postclassical ceremonial construction. About five kilometers west of Orange Walk, is Cuello, a site from perhaps as early as 2,500 B.C. Jars, bowls, and other dishes found there are among the oldest pottery unearthed in present-day Mexico and Central America. The site includes platforms of buildings arranged around a small plaza, indicating a distinctly Mayan community. The presence of shell, hematite, and jade shows that the Maya were trading over long distances as early as 1500 B.C. The Mayan economy, however, was still basically subsistence, combining foraging and cultivation, hunting, and fishing.
Cerros, a site on Chetumal Bay, was a flourishing trade and ceremonial center between about 300 B.C. and A.D. 100. It displays some distinguishing features of early Mayan civilization. The architecture of Mayan civilization included temples and palatial residences organized in groups around plazas. These structures were built of cut stone, covered with stucco, and elaborately decorated and painted. Stylized carvings and paintings of people, animals, and gods, along with sculptured stelae and geometric patterns on buildings, constitute a highly developed style of art. Impressive two-meter-high masks decorate the temple platform at Cerros. These masks, situated on either side of the central stairway, represent a serpent god.
The Maya were skilled at making pottery, carving jade, knapping flint, and making elaborate costumes of feathers. One of the finest carved jade objects of Mayan civilization, the head of the sun god Kinich Ahau, was found in a tomb at the classic period site of Altún Ha, thirty kilometers northwest of present-day Belize City. Settled at least as early as 200 B.C., the Altún Ha area at its peak had an estimated 8,000 to 10,000 inhabitants. At the beginning of the second century A.D., the inhabitants built their first major structure, a temple. The visitor today sees a group of temples, priests' residences, and other buildings around two adjacent plazas. In the vicinity, there are hundreds of other structures, most of which are still unexcavated. The Maya continued to rebuild some of the temples until almost the end of the ninth century. Excavations at Altún Ha have produced evidence suggesting that a revolt, perhaps of peasants against the priestly class, contributed to the downfall of the civilization. People may have continued to live at or to visit the site in the postclassical period, even though the ceremonial centers were left to decay. Some rubbish found at Altún Ha shows that people were at the site in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, perhaps to reuse the old structures or undertake pilgrimages to the old religious center.
Other Mayan centers located in Belize include Xunantunich and Baking Pot in Cayo District, Lubaantún and Nimli Punit in Toledo District, and Lamanai on Hill Bank Lagoon in Orange Walk District. Xunantunich, meaning "Lady of the Rock," was occupied perhaps as early as 300 B.C., but most of the architecture there was constructed in the late classic period. As in all the lowland Mayan centers, the inhabitants continually constructed temples and residences over older buildings, enlarging and raising the platforms and structures in the process. The views are breathtaking from Xunantunich's "El Castillo," which, at thirty-nine meters, is the tallest man-made structure in Belize. Lamanai, less accessible to tourists than Altún Ha or Xunantunich, is an important site because it provides archaeological evidence of the Mayan presence over many centuries, beginning around A.D. 150. Substantial populations were present throughout the classic and postclassical periods. Indeed, people living in the area were still refacing some of the massive ceremonial buildings after the great centers, such as Tikal in neighboring Guatemala, had been virtually abandoned in the tenth century.
In the late classic period, probably at least 400,000 people inhabited the Belize area. People settled almost every part of the country worth cultivating, as well as the cay (see Glossary) and coastal swamp regions. But in the tenth century, Mayan society suffered a severe breakdown. Construction of public buildings ceased, the administrative centers lost power, and the population declined as social and economic systems lost their coherence. Some people continued to occupy, or perhaps reoccupied, sites such as Altún Ha, Xunantunich, and Lamanai. Still, these sites ceased being splendid ceremonial and civic centers.
The decline of Mayan civilization is still not fully explained. Rather than identifying the collapse as the result of a single factor, many archaeologists now believe that the decline of the Maya was a result of many complex factors and that the decline occurred at different times in different regions.
Increasing information about Mayan culture and society helps explain the development, achievements, and decline of their ancient civilization and suggests more continuities in Mayan history than once had been considered possible. The excavation of sites, such as those at Cuello, Cerros, Altún Ha, Xunantunich, and Lamanai, has shown the extraordinary persistence of Mayan people in Belize over many centuries.
Nicaragua's Pre-colonial Period
Nicaragua's Pre-colonial Period
Present-day Nicaragua is located south of the pre-Columbian culture areas of the Maya and the Aztec in Mexico and northern Central America. Although conventional wisdom states that the culture of lower Central America did not reach the levels of political or cultural development achieved in Mexico and northern Central America, recent excavations in Cuscutlatán, El Salvador may prove that assumption erroneous.
Two basic culture groups existed in pre-colonial Nicaragua. In the central highlands and Pacific coast regions, the native peoples were linguistically and culturally similar to the Aztec and the Maya. The oral history of the people of western Nicaragua indicates that they had migrated south from Mexico several centuries before the arrival of the Spanish, a theory supported by linguistic research. Most people of central and western Nicaragua spoke dialects of Pipil, a language closely related to Nahuatl, the language of the Aztec. The culture and food of the peoples of western Nicaragua also confirmed a link with the early inhabitants of Mexico; the staple foods of both populations were corn, beans, chili peppers, and avocados, still the most common foods in Nicaragua today. Chocolate was drunk at ceremonial occasions, and turkeys and dogs were raised for their meat.
Tribes that migrated north from what is now Colombia inhabited most of Nicaragua’s Caribbean lowlands area. The various dialects and languages in this area are related to Chibcha, spoken by groups in northern Colombia. Eastern Nicaragua's population consisted of extended families or tribes. Food was obtained by hunting, fishing, and slash-and-burn agriculture. Root crops (especially cassava), plantains, and pineapples were the staple foods. The people of eastern Nicaragua appear to have traded with and been influenced by the native peoples of the Caribbean, as round thatched huts and canoes, both typical of the Caribbean, were common in eastern Nicaragua.
When the Spanish arrived in western Nicaragua in the early 1500s, they found three principal tribes, each with a different culture and language: the Niquirano, the Chorotegano, and the Chontal. Each one of these diverse groups occupied much of Nicaragua's territory, with independent chieftains (cacicazgos) who ruled according to each group's laws and customs. Their weapons consisted of swords, lances, and arrows made out of wood. Monarchy was the form of government of most tribes; the supreme ruler was the chief, or cacique, who, surrounded by his princes, formed the nobility. A royal messenger that visited each township and assembled the inhabitants to give their chief’s orders disseminated laws and regulations.
The Chontal were culturally less advanced than the Niquirano and Chorotegano, who lived in well-established nation-states. The differences in the origin and level of civilization of these groups led to frequent violent encounters, in which one group would displace whole tribes from their territory, contributing to multiple divisions within each tribe. Occupying the territory between Lago de Nicaragua and the Pacific Coast, the Niquirano were governed by chief Nicarao, or Nicaragua, a rich ruler who lived in Nicaraocali, now the city of Rivas. The Chorotegano lived in the central region of Nicaragua. These two groups had intimate contact with the Spanish conquerors, paving the way for the racial mix of native and European stock now known as mestizos. The Chontal (the term means foreigner) occupied the central mountain region. This group was smaller than the other two, and it is not known when they first settled in Nicaragua.
In the west and highland areas where the Spanish settled, the indigenous population was almost completely wiped out by the rapid spread of new diseases, for which the native population had no immunity, and the virtual enslavement of the remainder of the indigenous people. In the east, where the Europeans did not settle, most indigenous groups survived. The English, however, did introduce guns and ammunition to one of the local peoples, the Bawihka, who lived in northeast Nicaragua. The Bawihka later intermarried with runaway slaves from Britain's Caribbean possessions, and the resulting population, with its access to superior weapons, began to expand its territory and push other indigenous groups into the interior. This Afro-indigenous group came to be known to the Europeans as Miskito, and the displaced survivors of their expansionist activities were called the Sumu.
Mexican Wars of Independence, 1810-21 Part Two
Mexican Wars of Independence, 1810-21 Part Two
warfare, ensuring their grudging acquiescence to conservative Spanish rule until a less bloody path to independence could be found. It was at this juncture that the machinations of a conservative military caudillo coinciding with a successful liberal rebellion in Spain, made possible a radical realignment of the pro-independence forces.
Iturbide and the Plan of Iguala
In what was supposed to be the final government campaign against the insurgents, in December 1820, Viceroy Juan Ruiz de Apodaca sent a force led by a royalist criollo officer, Augustín de Iturbide, to defeat Guerrero's army in Oaxaca. Iturbide, a native of Valladolid, had gained renown for the zeal with which he persecuted Hidalgo's and Morelos's rebels during the early independence struggle. A favorite of the Mexican church hierarchy, Iturbide was the personification of conservative criollo values, devoutly religious, and committed to the defense of property rights and social privileges; he was also disgruntled at his lack of promotion and wealth.
Iturbide's assignment to the Oaxaca expedition coincided with a successful military coup in Spain against the new monarchy of Ferdinand VII. The coup leaders, who had been assembled as an expeditionary force to suppress the American independence movements, compelled a reluctant Ferdinand to sign the liberal Spanish constitution of 1812. When news of the liberal charter reached Mexico, Iturbide saw in it both a threat to the status quo and an opportunity for the criollos to gain control of Mexico. Ironically, independence was finally achieved when conservative forces in the colonies chose to rise up against a temporarily liberal regime in the mother country. After an initial clash with Guerrero's forces, Iturbide switched allegiances and invited the rebel leader to meet and discuss principles of a renewed independence struggle.
While stationed in the town of Iguala, Iturbide proclaimed three principles, or "guarantees," for Mexican independence from Spain: Mexico would be an independent monarchy governed by a transplanted King Ferdinand or some other conservative European prince, criollos and peninsulares would henceforth enjoy equal rights and privileges, and the Roman Catholic Church would retain its privileges and religious monopoly. After convincing his troops to accept the principles, which were promulgated on February 24, 1821, as the Plan of Iguala, Iturbide persuaded Guerrero to join his forces in support of the new conservative manifestation of the independence movement. A new army, the Army of the Three Guarantees, was then placed under Iturbide's command to enforce the Plan of Iguala. The plan was so broadly based that it pleased both patriots and loyalists. The goal of independence and the protection of Roman Catholicism brought together all factions.
Rebel forces from all over Mexico joined Iturbide’s army. When the rebels' victory became certain, the viceroy resigned. On September 27, 1821, representatives of the Spanish crown and Iturbide signed the Treaty of Córdoba, which recognized Mexican independence under the terms of the Plan of Iguala. Iturbide, a former royalist who had become the paladin for Mexican independence, included a special clause in the treaty that left open the possibility for a criollo monarch to be appointed by a Mexican congress if no suitable member of the European royalty would accept the Mexican crown.
Mexican Wars of Independence, 1810-21 - Part One
Mexican Wars of Independence, 1810-21 - Part One
The eleven-year period of civil war that marked the Mexican wars of independence was largely a byproduct of the crisis and breakdown of Spanish royal political authority throughout the American colonies. A successful independence movement in the United States had demonstrated the feasibility of a republican alternative to the European crown. For most politically articulate criollos, however, a strong cultural affinity with the mother country, a preference for stability and continuity, and alienation from Mexico's native and poor mestizo populations were significant disincentives to a radical break with the established order. Dissatisfaction with peninsular administrative practices and anti-criollo discrimination at many levels of the colonial government and society were important foci of discontent, but beyond small pockets of radical conspirators, these grievances had not yet spawned a pronounced wave of pro-independence criollo sentiment at the beginning of the nineteenth century.
The French occupation of Spain and the overthrow of the Iturrigaray junta created a vacuum of legitimacy, as it was no longer clear that the ad hoc peninsular administration represented any authority or interests other than its own. A revolt would no longer necessarily be a challenge to the paternal crown and the faith that it ostensibly defended, but would instead shake off the rule of the increasingly despised gachupines , as the peninsulares were derisively called. It was in this context that a radical criollo parish priest, Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla, was able to lead the first truly widespread insurrection for Mexican independence.
Hidalgo and Morelos
Soon after being named parish priest in the small town of Dolores, Hidalgo began to promote the establishment of various small manufacturing concerns. He realized the need for diversification of industrial activities in an area that had the mines of Guanajuato as its major business. At the same time, during his seven years at Dolores, Hidalgo promoted discussion groups at his house, where Indians, mestizos, criollos, and peninsulares were welcomed. The themes of these discussions were current events, to which Hidalgo added his own input of social and economic concerns. The independence movement was born out of these informal discussions and was directed against Spanish domination of political and economic life in New Spain. December 8, 1810, was set for the beginning of the uprising.
The plans were disclosed to the central government, and the conspirators were alerted that orders had been sent for their arrest. Pressed by this new development, on September 16, 1810, Hidalgo decided to strike out for independence without delay (this date is celebrated as Mexico's independence day). The church bells summoned the people, and Hidalgo asked them to join him against the Spanish government and the peninsulares in the famous Grito de Dolores (Cry of Dolores): "Long live Our Lady of Guadalupe! Death to bad government! Death to the gachupines !" The crowd responded enthusiastically, and soon an angry mob was marching toward the regional capital of Guanajuato. The miners of Guanajuato joined with the native workers of Dolores in the massacre of all peninsulares who resisted them, including the local intendente .
From Guanajuato, the independence forces marched on to Mexico City after having captured Zacatecas, San Luis Potosí, and Valladolid. On October 30, 1810, they encountered resistance at Monte de las Cruces and, despite a rebel victory, lost momentum and did not take Mexico City. After a few more victories, the revolutionary forces moved north toward Texas. In March of the following year, the insurgents were ambushed and taken prisoner in Monclova (in the present-day state of Coahuila). Hidalgo was tried as a priest by the Holy Office of the Inquisition and found guilty of heresy and treason. He was later condemned to death. On July 31, 1811, Hidalgo was executed by firing squad. His body was mutilated, and his head was displayed in Guanajuato as a warning to other would- be insurgents.
After the death of Hidalgo, José María Morelos Pavón assumed the leadership of the revolutionary movement. Morelos took charge of the political and military aspects of the insurrection and further planned a strategic move to encircle Mexico City and to cut communications to the coastal areas. In June 1813, Morelos convoked a national congress of representatives from all of the provinces, which met at Chilpancingo in the present-day state of Guerrero to discuss the future of Mexico as an independent nation. The major points included in the document prepared by the congress were popular sovereignty, universal male suffrage, the adoption of Roman Catholicism as the official religion, abolition of slavery and forced labor, an end to government monopolies, and an end to corporal punishment. Despite initial successes by Morelos's forces, however, the colonial authorities broke the siege of Mexico City after six months, captured positions in the surrounding areas, and finally invaded Chilpancingo. In 1815 Morelos was captured and met the same fate as Hidalgo.
From 1815 to 1821, most of the fighting by those seeking independence from Spain was done by isolated guerrilla bands. Out of these bands rose two men, Guadalupe Victoria (whose real name was Manuel Félix Fernández) in Puebla and Vicente Guerrero in Oaxaca, both of whom were able to command allegiance and respect from their followers. The Spanish viceroy, however, felt the situation was under control and issued a general pardon to every rebel who would lay down his arms.
After ten years of civil war and the death of two of its founders, by early 1820 the independence movement was stalemated and close to collapse. The rebels faced stiff Spanish military resistance and the apathy of many of the most influential criollos. The violent excesses and populist zeal of Hidalgo's and Morelos's irregular armies had reinforced many criollos' fears of race and class
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